Showing posts with label Varnashrama. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Varnashrama. Show all posts
Thursday, 31 May 2012
Friday, 2 September 2011
From Varna to Caste (I)- Occupational Fixity
N.B:- The length of the text quoted is
approximately 2 & 1/2 pages of MS document in font size 12 and line
spacing 1.0. But It includes the complete ‘Story’.
When I say that Brahmanism converted Varna into Caste what I mean is that it made status and occupation hereditary.
How was this transformation effected? As I said there are no foot
prints left of the steps taken by Brahmanism to accomplish this change
but there are landmarks which serve to give us a clear view of how the
deed came to be done.
The change was accomplished by stages. In the transformation
of Varna into Caste three stages are quite well marked. The first stage
was the stage in which the duration of Varna i.e. of status and
occupation of a person was for a prescribed period of time only. The
second stage was a stage in which the status and occupation involved the
Varna of a person ensured during lifetime only. The third stage was a
stage in which the status and occupation of the Varna became hereditary.
To use legal language the Estate conferred by Varna was at the
beginning an Estate for a term only. Thereafter it became a life Estate
and finally it became an Estate of inheritance which is tantamount to
saying that Varna became Caste. That these are the stages by which Varna
was converted into Caste seems to have ample support from tradition as
recorded in the religious literature. There is no reason why this
tradition should not be accepted as embodying some thing that is quite
genuine. According to this tradition, the task of determining Varna of a
person was effected by a body of officers called Manu and Sapta Rishis.
From the mass of people Manu selected those who were fit to be
Kshatriyas and Vaishas and the Sapta Rishis selected those who were fit
to be Brahmanas. After this selection was made by Manu and Sapta Rishis
for being Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishas, the rest that were not selected
were called Shudras. The Varna arrangement so determined lasts for one
Yug i.e. a period of four years. Every fourth year a new body of
officers known by the same designation Manu and Sapta Rishi were
appointed for making a new selection. It happened that last time some of
those who were left to be fit only for being Shudras were selected for
being Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas while some of those who were,
elected last time for being Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas were left
as being fit only of being Shudras. Thus the personnel of the Varna
changed. It was a sort of a periodical shuffling and selection of men to
take up according to their mental and physical aptitudes and
occupations which were essential to the life of the community. The time
when the reshuffling of the Varnas took place was called Manwantar which
etymologically means change of Varna made by Manu. The word Manwantar
also means the period for which the Varna of an individual was fixed.
The word Manwantar is very rich in its contents and expresses the
essential elements of the Varna system which were two. First it shows
that Varna was determined by an independent body of people called Manu
and Saptarshi. Secondly it shows that the Varna was for a period after
which a change was made by Manu . According to ancient tradition as
embodied in the Puranas the period for which the Varna of a person was
fixed by Manu and Saptarshi was a period of four years and was called
Yug. At the end of the period of four years there occured the Manwantar
whereby every fourth year the list was revised. Under the revision some
changed their old Varna, some retained it, some lost it and some gained
it.
The original system seems to have in contemplation the determination
of the Varna of adults. It was not based on prior training or close
scrutiny of bias and aptitude. Manu and Saptarshi was a sort of a Board
of Interview which determined the Varna of a person from how he struck
them at the interview. The determination of the Varna was done in a
rough and tumble manner. This system seems to have gone into abeyance. A
new system grew up in its place. It was known as the Gurukul system.
The Gurukul was a school maintained by a Guru (teacher) also called
Acharya (learned man). All children went to this Gurukul for their
education. The period of education extended for twelve years. The child
while at Gurukul was known as Bramhachari. After the period of education
was over there was the Upanayan ceremony performed at the Gurukul by
the Acharya. The Upanayan ceremony was the most important ceremony. It
was a ceremony at which the Acharya determined the Varna of the student
and sent him out in the world to perform the duties of that Varna.
Upanayan by the Acharyas was the new method of determining Varna which
came into vogue in place of method of determination by Manu and
Saptarshi. The new method was undoubtedly superior to the old method. It
retained the true feature of the old method namely that the Varna
should be determined by a disinterested and independent body. But it
added a new feature namely training as a pre-requisite for assignment of
Varna. On the ground that training alone developes individual in the
make up of a person and the only safe way to determine the Varna of a
person is to know his individuality, the addition of this new feature
was undoubtedly a great improvement.
With the introduction of the Acharya Gurukul system, the duration of
the Varna came to be altered. Varna instead of being Varna for a period
became Varna for life. But it was not hereditary.
Evidently Brahmanism was dissatisfied with this system. The reason
for dissatisfaction was quite obvious. Under the system as prevalent
there was every chance of the Acharya declaring the child of a Brahmin
as fit only to be a Shudra. Brahmanism was naturally most anxious to
avoid this result. It wanted the Varna to be hereditary. Only by making
the Varna hereditary could it save the children of the Brahmins from
being declared Shudra. To achieve this Brahmanism proceeded in the most
audacious manner one can think of.
Brahmanism made three most radical changes in the system of determing
the Varna of the child. In the first place the system of Gurukul as the
place where training to the child was given and its Varna was
determined by the Guru at the end of the period of training was
abolished. Manu is quite aware of the Gurukul and refers to Guruvas i.e.
training and residence in the Gurukul under the Guru. But does not
refer to it at all in connection with the Upanayan. He abolishes the
Guru as an authority competent to perform Upanayan by omitting to make
even the remotest reference to him in connection with Upanayan. In place
of the Guru Manu allows the Upanayan of the child to be performed by
its father at home. Secondly Upanayan was made into a Sanskara i.e. a
sacrament. In olden times Upanayan was like a convocation ceremony held
by the Guru to confer degrees obtained by students in his Gurukul in
which certificates of proficiency in the duties of a particular Varna
were granted. In Manu’s law that Upanayan was a complete change in the
meaning and purpose of this most important institution. Thirdly the
relation of training to Upanayan was totally reversed. In the olden
system training came before Upanayan.
Under the Brahmanism Upanayan came before training. Manu directs that
a child be sent to the Guru for training but that is after Upanayan
i.e. after his Varna is determined by his father.
The principal change made by Brahmanism was the transfer of authority
from the Guru to the father in the matter of performing Upanayan. The
result was that the father having the right to perform the Upanayan of
his child gave his own Varna to the child and thus made it hereditory.
It is by divesting the Guru of his authority to determine the Varna and
vesting it in the father that Brahmanism ultimately converted Varna into
Caste.
Such is the story of the transformation of Varna into Caste. The
story of the transition from one to the other is of course
reconstructed. For the reasons already given it may not be quite as
accurate as one would wish it to be in all its details. But I have no
doubt that the stages and the ways by which Varna ceased to exist and
caste came into being must be some such as have been suggested in the
foregoing discussion of the subject.
CHAPTER-7 The Triumph of Brahmanism : Regicide or the birth of
Counter-Revolution, part-II & III. Revolution and Counter-Revolution
in Ancient India, Volume-III. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and
Speeches
Labels:
Ancient India,
Brahmanism,
Brahmin,
Caste System,
Chaturvarnya,
Counter-Revolution,
Revolution,
Shudra,
Upanayana,
Varnashrama
From Varna to Caste (II)- Endogamy
N.B:- The accompanying table is a pain,
because wordpress(free) does not support custom CSS. But we will put it
as a picture for clarity.
(This) isolation among the classes is the work of Brahmanism. The
principal steps taken by it was to abrogate the system of intermarriage
and interdining that was prevalent among the four Varnas in olden times.
This has already been discussed in an earlier section of this chapter.
There is however one part of the story that remains to be told. I have
said the Varna system had nothing to do with marriage. That males and
females belonging to the different Varnas could marry and did marry. Law
did not come in the way of inter-varna marriage. Social morality was
not opposed to such marriages. Savarna marriage was neither required by
law nor demanded by Society. All marriages between different Varnas
irrespective of the question whether the bride was of a higher Varna
than the bride-groom or whether the bride-groom was of the higher Varna
and the bride of the lower Varna were valid. Indeed as Prof. Kane says
the distinction between Anuloma and Pratiloma marriage was quite unknown
and even the terms Anuloma and Pratiloma were not in existence. They
are the creation of Brahmanism. Brahmanism put a stop to Pratiloma
marriages i.e. marriages between women of a higher Varna and men of
lower Varna. That was a step in the direction of closing the connection
between the Varnas and creating in them an exclusive and anti-social
spirit regarding one another. But while the inter-connecting gate of the
Pratiloma marriage was closed the inter-connecting gate of Anuloma
marriage had remained open. That was not closed. As pointed out in the
section on graded inequality Anuloma marriage i.e. marriage between a
male of the higher Varna and the female of the lower Varna was allowed
by Brahmanism to continue. The gate of Anuloma marriage was not very
respectable and was a one way gate only. still it was an interconnecting
gate by which it was possible to prevent a complete isolation of the
Varnas. But even here Brahmanism played what cannot but be called a
dirty trick. To show how dirty the trick was it is necessary first to
state the rules which prevailed for determining the status of the child.
Under the rule existing from very ancient times the status of the child
was determined by the Varna of the father. The Varna of the mother was
quite unimportant. I he following illustrations will place the point
beyond doubt:
Father’s Varna of Mother’s Varna of
Child’s Varna Name father
Name mother name
child
1. Shantanu Kshatriya Ganga Shudra Bhishma Kshatriya
(Anamik)
2. Shantanu Kshatriya Matsyagandha Shudra Vichitra Virya Kshatriya
(Fisher)
3. Parashar Brahmin Matsyagandha Shudra Krishna- Brahmin
(Fisher) Dwaipayana
4. Vishwamitra Kshtriya Menaka (Apsara) Shakuntala Kshatriya
5. Yayati Kshatriya Devayani Brahmin Yadu Kshatriya
6. Yayati Kshatriya Sharmishta Asuri Druhya Kshatriya
(Nonaryan)
7. Jaratkaru Brahmin Jaratkari Nag. Asita Brahmin
(Nonaryan)
The rule was known as the rule of Pitra Savarnya. It would he
interesting to consider the effect of this rule of Pitra Savarnya on the
Anuloma and Pratiloma systems of marriage.
The effect on Pratiloma marriage would be that the children of
mothers of the higher Varnas would be dragged down to the level of the
lower Varnas represented by their fathers. Its effect on Anuloma
marriage would be just the contrary. The children of mothers of the
lower Varnas would be raised up and absorbed in the higher Varnas of
their fathers.
Manu stopped Pratiloma marriages and thereby prevented the higher
from being dragged to the status of the lower. However regrettable, not
much damage was done by it so long as the Anuloma marriage and the rule
of Pitra Savarnya continued in operation. The two together formed a very
useful system. The Anuloma marriage maintained the inter-connection and
the Pitra Savarnya rule made the higher classes quite composite in
their make up. For they could not but help to he drawn from mothers of
different Varnas. Brahmanism did not want to keep this gate of
intercommunication between the Varnas open. It was bent on closing it.
But it did it in a manner which is disreputable.
The straight and honourable way was to stop Anuloma marriage. But
Brahmanism did not do that. It allowed the system of Anuloma marriage to
continue. What it did was to alter the rule of determining the status
of the child. It replaced the rule of Pitra Savarnya by the rule of
Matra Savarnya by which the status of the child came to be determined by
the status of the mother. By this change marriage ceased to be that
means of intersocial communication which it principally is. It relieved
men of the higher Varna from the responsibility to their children simply
because they were born of a mother of lower Varna. It made Anuloma
marriage mere matter of sex. a humiliation and insult to the lower
Varnas and a privilege to the higher classes to lawfully commit
prostitution with women of the lower classes. And from a larger social
point of view it brought the complete isolation among the Varnas which
has been the bane of Hindu Society.
CHAPTER-7 The Triumph of Brahmanism : Regicide or the birth of
Counter-Revolution, part-III. Revolution and Counter-Revolution in
Ancient India, Volume-III. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches
Labels:
Ancient India,
Brahmanism,
Brahmin,
Chaturvarnya,
Counter-Revolution,
Morality,
Society,
Varnashrama
Temple Entry Won’t Make Equals
N.B :- This is the content of the
letter written by Dr. Ambedkar to Mr. Bhaurao Gaikwad on 3rd March 1934,
regarding the KalaRam Temple Entry Satyagraha-which stated on 2nd March
1930 , but whose preparation was underway for months. It started “with”
the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar. His inaugural speech remained
consistent with the conviction in which the Satyagraha was withdrawn. It
was stopped immediately after the reciept the the said letter.
….. It is very kind of you to have asked me my views on the propriety
of the Depressed Classes launching upon a Satyagraha at the Kala Ram
Temple in Nasik on the coming Ram Navami Day. I have no position in
saying that such a move would be quite uncalled for and should not
merely be suspended but stopped altogether. This may appear strange and
surprising coming as it does from one who was the author of the
Satyagraha. But I am afraid to declare this change of front. I didn’t
launch the temple entry movement because I wanted the Depressed Classes
to become worshipers of idols which they were prevented from worshiping
or because I believed temple entry would make them equal members in and
an integral part of the Hindu Society. So far as this aspect of
the case is concerned I would advise the Depressed Classes to insist
upon a complete overhauling of Hindu Society and Hindu theology before
they consent to become an integral part of Hindu Society. I started
temple entry Satyagraha only because I felt that was the best way
of energizing th Depressed Classes and making them conscious of their
position. As I believe I have achieved that purpose I have no more use
for temple entry. I want the Depressed Classes to concentrate their
energy and resource on politics and education and I hope that they will
realise the importance of both.
SECTION- IV Kalaram Temple entry Satryagraha, Nasik and Temple entry
movement, Volume-XVII. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches
Labels:
Caste System,
Chaturvarnya,
Depressed Classes,
Gandhi,
Hinduism,
Varnashrama
Do Depressed Classes Desire Temple Entry?
N. B. :- Gandhi requested Dr. Ambedkar to
lend his support to Dr. Subbarayan’s Temple entry Bill and that of
Ranga Iyer-when both met on 4th Feb. 1934 at Yeravada Prison. Dr.
Ambedkar declined in person, and later issued a statement on 14th Feb,
1933. He outlined the impracticability of the bill, crticised it for not
making Untouchability illegal and outlined why he would not prefer just
temple entry-this part is reproduced here.
The main question is : Do the Depressed Classes desire Temple Entry
or do they not ? This main question is viewed by the Depressed Classes
by two points of view. One is the materialistic point of view.
Starting from it, the Depressed Classes think that the surest way of
elevation lies in education, higher employment and better ways of
earning a living. Once they become well placed in the scale of social
life, they would become respectable the religious outlook of the
orthodox towards them is sure to undergo change, and even if it didn’t
happen, it can do no injury to their material interest. Proceeding on
these lines the Depressed Classes say that they will not spend their
resources on such an empty things as Temple Entry. There is another
reason why they do not care to fight for it. Their argument is the
argument of self-respect.
Not very long ago there used to be boards on club doors and other
social resorts maintained by Europeans in India, which said “Dogs and
Indians” are not allowed. The temples of Hindus carry similar boards
today, the only difference is that the boards on the Hindu temples
practically say : “All Hindus and all animals including gods are
admitted, only Untouchables are not admitted”. The situation in both
cases is of parity. But Hindus never begged for admission in those
places form which the Europeans in their arrogance had excluded them.
Why should an Untouchable beg for admission in a place from which he
has been excluded by the the arrogance of the Hindus? This is the reason
of the Depressed Class man who is interested in material welfare. He is
prepared to say the Hindus, “to open or not to open your temples is a
question for you to consider and not for me to agitate. If you think, it
is bad manners not to respect the sacredness of human personality, open
your temple and be a gentleman. If you rather be a Hindu than a
gentleman, then shut the doors and damn yourself for I don’t care to
come.”
I found it necessary to put the argument in this form, because I want
to disabuse the minds of men like Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya of their
belief that the Depressed Classes are looking forward for their
patronage.
The second point of view is the spiritual one. As religiously
minded people, do the Depressed Classes desire temple entry or do they
not ? That is the question. From the spiritual point of view, they are
not indifferent to temple entry as they would be, if the material point
of view alone were to prevail. But their final answer must depend upon
the reply which Mahatma Gandhi and the Hindus give to the questions
namely : What is the drive behind this offer of temple entry ? Is temple
entry to be the final goal of the advancement in the social status of
the Depressed Classes in the Hindu fold ? Or is it only the first step
and if it is the first step, what is the ultimate goal ? Temple entry as
a final goal, the Depressed Classes can never support. Indeed they will
not only reject it, but they would then regard themselves rejected by
Hindu Society and free to find their own destiny elsewhere. On the other
hand, if is only to be a first step they may be inclined to support it.
The position would then be analogous to what is happening in India
today. All Indians have claimed dominion status for India. The actual
constitution will fall short of Dominion status and many Indians will
accept it. Why ? The answer is that as the goal is defined, it does not
matter much if it is to be reached by steps and not in one jump. But if
the British had not accepted the goal of Dominion status, no one would
have accepted the partial reforms which many are now willing to accept.
In the same way, if Mahatma Gandhi and the reformers were to proclaim
what the goal which they have set before themselves is for the
advancement of the social status of the Depressed Classes in the Hindu
fold, it would be easier for the Depressed Classes to define their
attitude towards Temple entry. The goal of the Depressed Classes might
as well be stated here for the information and consideration of all
concerned. What the Depressed Classes want is a religion,, which will
give them equality of social status. To prevent any misunderstanding,I
would like to elaborate the point by drawing a distinction between
social evils are which are the result of secular causes and social evils
which are founded upon doctrine of religion. Social evils can have no
justification whatsoever in a civilised society. But nothing can be more
odious and vile than that admitted social evils should be sought to be
justified on the ground of religion. The Depressed Classes may not be
able to overthrow inequalities to which they are being subjected. But
they have made up their mind not to tolerate a religion that will lend
its support to the continuance of these inequalities.
If the Hindu religion is to be their religion, then it must become a religion of Social Equality. The
mere amendment of Hindu religious code by the mere inclusion in it of a
provision to permit temple entry for all, cannot make it a religion of
equality of social status. All that it can do is to recognize as
nationals not aliens, if I may use the common terms which have
become so familiar in politics. But that cannot mean that they would
thereby reach a position where they would be free and equal. , without
being above and below any one else, for the simple reason that the Hindu
religion does not recognise the principle of equality of social status :
on the other hand it fosters inequality by insisting upon grading
people as Brahmins, Kshatrias, Vaishyas and Shudras, which now stand
toward one another in an ascending scale of hatred and descending scale
of contempt. If the Hindu Religion is to be a religion of social
equality then an amendment of its code to provide temple entry is not
enough. What is required is to purge it of the doctrine of chaturvarna.
That is the root cause of all inequality and also the parent of the
Caste system and Untouchability, which are merely forms of inequality.
Unless it is done not only will the Depressed Classes reject the temple
entry, they will also reject the Hindu faith. Chaturvarna and the
Caste system are incompatible with the self-respect of the Depressed
Classes. So long as they stand to be its cardinal doctrine, the
depressed classes must continue to be looked upon as low. The Depressed
Classes can say that they are Hindus only the theory of Chaturvarna and Caste system is abandoned and expunged from the Hindu shastras.
Do the Mahatma and the Hindu reformers accept this as their goal and
will they show the courage to work for it ? I shall look forward to
their pronouncements on this issue, before I decide upon my final
attitude. But whether Mahatma Gandhi and the Hindus are prepared for
this or not, let it be known once and for all that nothing short of this
will satisfy the Depressed Classes and make them accept temple entry. To
accept temple entry and be content with it, is to temporise with evil
and barter away the sacredness of human personality that dwells in them.
There is, however, one more argument which Mahatma Gandhi and the
reforming Hindu may advance against the position I have taken. They may
say : “acceptance by the Depressed Classes of Temple entry now, will not
prevent them from agitating hereafter for the abolition of Chaturvarna
and Caste. If that is the view, I like to meet the argument right at
this stage so as to clinch the issue and clear the road for future
developments. My reply is that it is true that the my right to agitate
for the abolition of Chaturvarna and Caste system will not be
lost, if I accept Temple entry now. But the question is on what side
will Mahatma Gandhi be when the question is put. If he will be in the
camp of my opponents, I must tell him I cant be in in camp now. If he
will be in my camp he ought to be in it now.
(Almost all the Depressed Classes leaders of Dr. Ambedkar’s
persuasions, endorsed the view of their leader. Srinivasan, Permtai and
Malik upheld views of their leader.
Gandhi issued a statement in reply in which he stated : “I am a
Hindu, not merely because I am born in the Hindu fold, but I am one by
conviction and choice. There is no superiority or inferiority in
Hinduism of my conception. But when Dr. Ambedkar wants to fight
Varnashram itself, I cannot be in his camp, because I believe Varnashram to be an integral part of Hinduism. )
SECTION- IV Kalaram Temple entry Satryagraha, Nasik and Temple entry
movement, Volume-XVII. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches
Labels:
Caste System,
Chaturvarnya,
Depressed Classes,
Gandhi,
Hinduism,
Varnashrama
Wednesday, 16 March 2011
A Reply To The Mahatma Gandhi By Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
I appreciate greatly the honour done me by the Mahatma in taking notice in his Harijan of the speech on Caste which I had prepared for the Jat Pat Todak Mandal. From a perusal of his review of my speech it is clear that the Mahatma completely dissents from the views I have expressed on the subject of Caste. I am not in the habit of entering into controversy with my opponents unless there are special reasons which compel me to act otherwise. Had my opponent been some mean and obscure person I would not have pursued him. But my opponent being the Mahatma himself I feel I must attempt to meet the case to the contrary which he has sought to put forth. While I appreciate the honour he has done me, I must confess to a sense of surprize on finding that of all the persons the Mahatma should accuse me of a desire to seek publicity as he seems to do when he suggests that in publishing the undelivered speech my object was to see that I was not " forgotten ". Whatever the Mahatma may choose to say my object in publishing the speech was to provoke the Hindus to think and take stock of their position. I have never hankered for publicity and if I may say so, I have more of it than I wish or need. But supposing it was out of the motive of gaining publicity that I printed the speech who could cast a stone at me ? Surely not those, who like the Mahatma live in glass houses.
II
Motive apart, what has the Mahatma to say on the question raised by me in the speech ? First of all any one who reads my speech will realize that the Mahatma has entirely missed the issues raised by me and that the issues he has raised are not the issues that arise out of what he is pleased to call my indictment of the Hindus. The principal points which I have tried to make out in my speech may be catalogued as follows : (1) That caste has ruined the Hindus ; (2) That the reorganization of the Hindu society on the basis of Chaturvarnya is impossible because the Varnavym'astha is like a leaky pot or like a man running at the nose. It is incapable of sustaining itself by its own virtue and has an inherent tendency to degenerate into a caste system unless there is a legal sanction behind it which can be enforced against every one transgressing his Varna ; (3) That the reorganization of the Hindu Society on the basis of Chaturvarnya is harmful, because the effect of the Varnavyavastha is to degrade the masses by denying them opportunity to acquire knowledge and to emasculate them by denying them the right to be armed ; (4) That the Hindu society must be reorganized on a religious basis which would recognise the principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity ; (5) That in order to achieve this object the sense of religious sanctity behind Caste and Varna must be destroyed ; (6) That the sanctity of Caste and Varna can be destroyed only by discarding the divine authority of the Shastras. It will be noticed that the questions raised by the Mahatma are absolutely beside the point and show that the main argument of the speech was lost upon him.
Ill
Let me examine the substance of the points made by the Mahatma. The first point made by the Mahatma is that the texts cited by me are not authentic. I confess I am no authority on this matter. But I should like to state that the texts cited by me are all taken from the writings of the late Mr. Tilak who was a recognised authority on the Sanskrit language and on the Hindu Shastras. His second point is that these Shastras should be interpreted not by the learned but the saints and that, as the saints have understood them, the Shastras do not support Caste and Untouchabilty. As regards the first point what I like to ask the Mahatma is what does it avail to any one if the texts are interpolations and if they have been differently interpreted by the saints ? The masses do not make any distinction between texts which are genuine and texts which are interpolations. The masses do not know what the texts are. They are too illiterate to know the contents of the Shastras. They have believed what they have been told and what they have been told is that the Shastras do enjoin as a religious duty the observance of Caste and Untouchability.
With regard to the saints, one must admit that howsoever different and elevating their teachings may have been as compared to those of the merely learned they have beenlamentably ineffective. They have been ineffective for two reasons. Firstly, none of the saints ever attacked the Caste System. On the contrary, they were staunch believers in the System of Castes. Most of them lived and died. as members of the castes which they respectively belonged. So passionately attached was Jnyandeo to his status as a Brahmin that when the Brahmins of Paithan would not admit him to their fold he moved heaven and earth to get his status as a Brahmin recognized by the Brahmin fraternity. And even the saintEknath who now figures in the film " Dharmatma " as a hero for having shown courage to touch the untouchables and dine with them, did so not because he was opposed to Caste and Untouchability but because he felt that the pollution caused thereby could be washed away by a bath in the sacred waters of the river Ganges.* [f1]The saints have never according to my study carried on a campaign against. Caste and Untouchability. They were not concerned with the struggle between men. They were concerned with the relation between man and God. They did not preach that all men were equal. They preached that all men were equal, in the eyes of God a very different and a very innocuous proposition which nobody can find difficult to preach or dangerous to believe in. The second reason why the teachings of the saints proved ineffective was because the masses have been taught that a saint might break Caste but the common man must not. A saint therefore never became an example to follow. He always remained a pious man to be honoured. That the masses have remained staunch believers in Caste and Untouchability shows that the pious lives and noble sermons of the saints have had no effect on their life and conduct as against the teachings of the Shastras. Thus it can be a matter of no consolation that there were saints or that there is a Mahatma who understands the Shastras differently from the learned few or ignorant many. That the masses hold different view of the Shastras is fact which should and must be reckoned with. How is that to be dealt with except by denouncing the authority of the Shastras, which continue to govern their conduct, is a question which the Mahatma has not considered. But whatever the plan the Mahatma puts forth as an effective means to free the masses from the teachings of the Shastras, he must accept that the pious life led by one good Samaritan may be very elevating to himself but in India, with the attitude the common man has to saints and to Mahatmas—to honour but not to follow—one cannot make much out of it.
IV
The third point made by the Mahatma is that a religion professed by Chaitanya, Jnyandeo, Tukaram, Tiruvalluvar, Rarnkrishna Paramahansa etc. cannot be devoid of merit as is made out by me and that a religion has to be judged not by its worst specimens but by the best it might have produced. I agree with every word of this statement. But I do not quite understand what the Mahatma wishes to prove thereby. That religion should be judged not by its worst specimens but by its best is true enough but does it dispose of the matter ? I say it does not. The question still remains—why the worst number so many and the best so few ? To my mind there are two conceivable answers to this question : ( 1 ) That the worst by reason of some original perversity of theirs are morally uneducable and are therefore incapable of making the remotest approach to the religious ideal. Or (2) That the religious ideal is a wholly wrong ideal which has given a wrong moral twist to the lives of the many and that the best have become best in spite of the wrong ideal—in fact by giving to the wrong twist a turn in the right direction. Of these two explanations I am not prepared to accept the first and I am sure that even the Mahatma will not insist upon the contrary. To my mind the second is the only logical and reasonable explanation unless the Mahatma has a third alternative to explain why the worst are so many and the best so few. If the second is the only explanation then obviously the argument of the Mahatma that a religion should be judged by its best followers carries us nowhere except to pity the lot of the many who have gone wrong because they have been made to worship wrong ideals.
V
The argument of the Mahatma that Hinduism would be tolerable if only many were to follow the example of the saints is fallacious for another reason. [f.2] By citing the names of such illustrious persons as Chaitanya etc. what the Mahatma seems to me to suggest in its broadest and simplest form is that Hindu society can be made tolerable and even happy without any fundamental change in its structure if all the high caste Hindus can be persuaded to follow a high standard of morality in their dealings with the low caste Hindus. I am totally opposed to this kind of ideology. I can respect those of the caste Hindus who try to realize a high social ideal in their life. Without such men India would be an uglier and a less happy place to live in than it is. But nonetheless anyone who relies on an attempt to turn the members of the caste Hindus into better men by improving their personal character is in my judgment wasting his energy and bugging an illusion. Can personal character make the maker of armaments a good man, i.e. a man who will sell shells that will not burst and gas that will not poison ? If it cannot, how can you accept personal character to make a man loaded with the consciousness of Caste, a good man, i.e. a man who would treat his fellows as his friends and equals ? To be true to himself he must deal with his fellows either as a superior or inferior according as the case may be; at any rate, differently from his own caste fellows. He can never be expected to deal with his fellows as his kinsmen and equals. As a matter of fact, a Hindu does treat all those who are not of his Caste as though they were aliens, who could be discriminated against with impunity and against whom any fraud or trick may be practised without shame. This is to say that there can be a better or a worse Hindu. But a good Hindu there cannot be. This is so not because there is anything wrong with his personal character. In fact what is wrong is the entire basis of his relationship to his fellows. The best of men cannot be moral if the basis of relationship between them and their fellows is fundamentally a wrong relationship. To a slave his master may be better or worse. But there cannot be a good master. A good man cannot be a master and a master cannot be a good man. The same applies to the relationship between high caste and low caste. To a low caste man a high caste man can be better or worse as compared to other high caste men. A high caste man cannot be a good man in so far as he must have a low caste man to distinguish him as high caste man. It cannot be good to a low caste man to be conscious that there is a high caste man above him. I have argued in my speech that a society based on Varna or Caste is a society which is based on a wrong relationship. I had hoped that the Mahatma would attempt to demolish my argument. But instead of doing that he has merely reiterated his belief in Chaturvarnya without disclosing the ground on which it is based.
VI
Does the Mahatma practise what he preaches ? One does not like to make personal reference in an argument which is general in its application. But when one preaches a decline and holds it as a dogma there is a curiosity to know how far he practises what he preaches. It may be that his failure to practise is due to the ideal being too high. to be attainable; it may be that his failure to practise is due to the innate hypocrisy of the man. In any case he exposes his conduct to examination and I must not be blamed if I asked how far has the Mahatma attempted to realize his ideal in his own case. The Mahatma is a Bania by birth. His ancestors had abandoned trading in favour of ministership which is a calling of the Brahmins. In his own life, before he became a Mahatma, when occasion came for him to choose his career he preferred law to scales. On abandoning law he became half saint and half politician. He has never touched trading which is his ancestral calling. His youngest son—I take one who is a faithful follower of his father—born a Vaishya has married a Brahmin's daughter and has chosen to serve a newspaper magnate. The Mahatma is not known to have condemned him for not following his ancestral calling. It may be wrong and uncharitable to judge an ideal by its worst specimens. But surely the Mahatma as a specimen has no better and if he even fails to realize the ideal then the ideal must be an impossible ideal quite opposed to the practical instincts of man. Students of Carlyle know that he often spoke on a subject before he thought about it. I wonder whether such has not been the case with the Mahatma in regard to the subject matter of Caste. Otherwise certain questions which occur to me would not have escaped him. When can a calling be deemed to have become an ancestral calling so as to make it binding on a man ? Must man follow his ancestral calling even if it does not suit his capacities, even when it has ceased to be profitable ? Must a man live by his ancestral calling even if he finds it to be immoral ? If every one must pursue his ancestral calling then it must follow that a man must. continue to be a pimp because his grandfather was a pimp and a woman must continue to be a prostitute because her grandmother was a prostitute. Is the Mahatma prepared to accept the logical conclusion of his doctrine ? To me bis ideal of following one's ancestral calling is not only an impossible and impractical ideal, but it is also morally an indefensible ideal. VII
The Mahatma sees great virtue in a Brahmin remaining a Brahmin all his life. Leaving aside the fact there are many Brahmins who do not like to remain Brahmins ail their lives. What can we say about those Brahmins who have clung to their ancestral calling of priesthood ? Do they do so from any faith in the virtue of the principle of ancestral calling or do they do so from motives of filthy lucre ? The Mahatma does not seem to concern himself with such queries. He is satisfied that these are " real Brahmins who are living on alms freely given to them and giving freely what they have of spiritual treasures ". This is how a hereditary Brahmin priest appears to the Mahatma—a carrier of spiritual treasurers. But another portrait of the hereditary Brahmin can also be drawn. A Brahmin can be a priest to Vishnu—the God of Love. He can be a priest to Shankar—the God. of Destruction. He can be a priest at Buddha Gaya worshipping Buddha—the greatest teacher of mankind who taught the noblest doctrine of Love. He also can be a priest to Kali, the Goddess, who must have a daily sacrifice of an animal to satisfy her thirst for blood ; He will be a priest of the temple of Rama—the Kshatriya God! He will also be a priest of the Temple of Parshuram, the God who took Avatar to destroy the Kshatriyas ! He can be a priest to Bramha, the Creator of the world. He can be a priest to a Pir whose God Allah will not brook the claim of Bramha to share his spiritual dominion over the world ! No one can say that this is a picture which is not true to life. If this is a true picture one does not know what to say of this capacity to bear loyalties to Gods and Goddesses whose attributes are so antagonistic that no honest man can be a devotee to all of them. The Hindus rely upon this extraordinary phenomenon as evidence of the greatest virtue of their religion—namely its catholicity, its spirit of toleration. As against this facile view, it can be urged that what is toleration and catholicity may be really nothing more creditable than indifference or flaccid latitudinarianism. These two attitudes are hard to distinguish in their outer seeming. But they are so vitally unlike in their real quality that no one who examines them closely can mistake one for the other. That a man is ready to render homage to many Gods and Goddesses may be. cited as evidence of his tolerant spirit..But can it not also be evidence of insincerity born of a desire to serve the times ? I am sure that this toleration is merely insincerity. If this view is well founded, one may ask what spiritual treasure can there be with a person who is ready to be a priest and a devotee to any deity which it serves his purpose to worship and to adore ? Not only must such a person be deemed to be bankrupt of all spiritual treasures but for him to practice so elevating a profession as that of a priest simply because it is ancestral, without faith, without belief, merely as a mechanical process handed down from. father to son, is not a conservation of virtue; it is really the prostitution of a noble profession which is no other than the service of religion.
VIII
Why does the Mahatma cling to the theory of every one following his or her ancestral calling ? He gives his reasons nowhere But there must be some reason although he does not cars to avow it. Years ago writing on " Caste versus Class " in his Young India he argued that Caste System was better than Class System on the ground that caste was the best possible adjustment of social stability. If that be the reason why the Mahatma clings to the theory of every one following his or her ancestral calling, then he is clinging to a false view of social life. Everybody wants social stability and some adjustment must be made in the relationship between individuals and classes in order that stability may be had. But two things, I am sure nobody wants. One thing nobody wants is static relationship, something that is unalterable, something that is fixed for all times. Stability is wanted but not at the cost of change when change is imperative. Second thing nobody wants is mere adjustment. Adjustment is wanted but not at the sacrifice of social justice. Can it be said that the adjustment of social relationship on the basis of caste i.e. on the basis of each to his hereditary calling avoids these two evils ? I am convinced that it does not. Far from being the best possible adjustment I have no doubt that it is of the worst possible kind inasmuch as it offends against both the canons of social adjustment—namely fluidity and equity.
IX
Some might think that the Mahatma has made much progress inasmuch as he now only believes in Varna and docs not believe in Caste. It is true that there was a time when the Mahatma was a full-blooded and a blue-blooded Sanatani Hindu. He believed in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas and all that goes by the name of Hindu scriptures and therefore in avatars and rebirth. He believed in Caste and defended it with the vigour of the orthodox. He condemned the cry for inter-dining, inter-drinking and inter-marrying and argued that restraints about inter-dining to a great extent " helped the cultivation of will-power and the conservation of certain social virtue ". It is good that he has repudiated this sanctimonious nonsense and admitted that caste " is harmful both to spiritual and national growth," and may be, his son's marriage outside his caste has had something to do with this change of view. But has the Mahatma really progressed ? What is the nature of the Varna for which the Mahatma stands ? Is it the Vedic conception as commonly understood and preached by Swami Dayanaad Saraswati and his followers, the Arya Samajists ? The essence of the Vedic conception of Varna is the pursuit of a calling which is appropriate to one's natural aptitude. The essence of the Mahatma's conception of Varna is the pursuit of ancestral calling irrespective of natural aptitude. What is the difference between Caste andVarna as understood by the Mahatma? I find none. As defined by the Mahatma, Varna becomes merely a different name for Caste for the simple reason that it is the same in essence—namely pursuit of ancestral calling. Far from making progress the Mahatma has suffered retrogression. By putting this interpretation upon the Vedic conception of Varna he has really made ridiculous what was sublime. While I reject the Vedic Varnavyavastha for reasons given in the speech I must admit that the Vedic theory of Varna as interpreted by Swami Dayanand and some others is a sensible and an inoffensive thing. It did not admit birth as a determining factor in fixing the place of an individual in society. It only recognized worth. The Mahatma's view of Varna not only makes nonsense of the Vedic Varna but it makes it an abominable thing. Varna and Caste are two very different concepts. Varna is based on the principle of each according to his worth-while Caste is based on the principle of each according to his birth. The two are as distinct as chalk is from cheese. In fact there is an antithesis between the two. If the Mahatma believes as he does in every one following his or her ancestral calling, then most certainly he is advocating the Caste System and that in calling it the Varna System he is not only guilty of terminologicale inexactitude, but he is causing confusion worse confounded. I am sure that all his confusion is due to the fact that the Mahatma has no definite and clear conception as to what is Varna and what is Caste and as to the necessity of either for the conservation of Hinduism. He has said and one hopes that he will not find some mystic reason to change his view that caste is not the essence of Hinduism. Does he regard Varna as the essence of Hinduism ? One cannot as yet give any categorical answer. Readers of his article on " Dr. Ambedkar's Indictment " will answer " No ". In that article he does not say that the dogma of Varna is an essential part of the creed of Hinduism. Far from making Varna the essence of Hinduism he says " the essence of Hinduism is contained in its enunciation of one and only God as Truth and its bold acceptance of Ahimsa as the law of the human family " But the readers of his article in reply to Mr. Sant Ram will say " Yes ". In that article he says " How can a Muslim remain one if he rejects the Qurtan, or a Christian remain as Christian if he rejects the Bible ? If Caste and Varna are convertible terms and if Varna is an integral part of the Shastras which define Hinduism I do not know how a person who rejects Caste, i.e. Varna can call himself a Hindu ? " Why this prevarication ? Why does the Mahatma hedge ? Whom does he want to please ? Has the saint failed to sense the truth ? Or does the politician stand in the way of the Saint ? The real reason why the Mahatma is suffering from this confusion is probably to be traced to two sources. The first is the temperament of the Mahatma. He has almost in everything the simplicity of the child with the child's capacity for self-deception. Like a child he can believe in anything he wants to believe. We must therefore wait till such time as it pleases the Mahatma to abandon his faith in Varna as it has pleased him to abandon his faith in Caste. The second source of confusion is the double role which the Mahatma wants to play—of a Mahatma and a Politician. As a Mahatma he may be trying to spiritualize Politics. Whether he has succeeded in it or not Politics have certainly commercialized him. A politician must know that Society cannot bear the whole truth and that he must not speak the whole truth; if he is speaking the whole truth it is bad for his politics. The reason why the Mahatma is always supporting Caste and Varna is because he is afraid that if he opposed them he will lose his place in politics. Whatever may be the source of this confusion the Mahatma must be told that he is deceiving himself and also deceiving the people by preaching Caste under the name of Varna.
X
The Mahatma says that the standards I have applied to test Hindus and Hinduism are too severe and that judged by those standards every known living faith will probably fail. The complaint that my standards are high may be true. But the question is not whether they are high or whether they are low. The question is whether they are the right standards to apply. A People and their Religion must be judged by social standards based on social ethics. No other standard would have any meaning if religion is held to be a necessary good for the well-being of the people. Now I maintain that the standards I have applied to test Hindus and Hinduism are the most appropriate standards and that I know of none that are better. The conclusion that every known religion would fail if tested by my standards may be true. But this fact should not give the Mahatma as the champion of Hindus and Hinduism a ground for comfort any more than the existence of one madman should give comfort to another madman or the existence of one criminal should give comfort to another criminal. I like to assure the Mahatma that it is not the mere failure of the Hindus and Hinduism which has produced in me the feelings of disgust and contempt with which. I am charged. I realize that the world is a very imperfect world and any one who wants to live in it must bear with its imperfections. But while I am. prepared to bear with the imperfections and shortcomings of the society in which I may be destined to labour, I feel I should not consent to live in a society which cherishes wrong ideals or a society which having right ideals will not consent to bring its social life in conformity with those ideals. If I am disgusted with Hindus and Hinduism it is because I am convinced that they cherish wrong ideals and live a wrong social life. My quarrel with Hindus and Hinduism is not over the imperfections of their social conduct. It is much more fundamental. It is over their ideals.
XI
Hindu society seems to me to stand in need of a moral regeneration which it is dangerous to postpone. And the question is who can determine and control this moral regeneration ?Obviously only those who have undergone an intellectual regeneration and those who are honest enough to have the courage of their convictions born of intellectual emancipation. Judged by this standard the Hindu leaders who count are in my opinion quite unfit for the task. It is impossible to say that they have undergone the preliminary intellectual regeneration. If they had undergone an intellectual regeneration they would neither delude themselves in the simple way of the untaught multitude nor would they take advantage of the primitive ignorance of others as one sees them doing. Notwithstanding the crumbling state of Hindu society these leaders will nevertheless unblushingly appeal to ideals of the past which have in every way ceased to have any connection with the present ; which however suitable they might have been in the days of their origin have now become a warning rather than a guide. They still have a mystic respect for the earlier forms which make them disinclined—nay opposed to any examination of the foundations of their Society. The Hindu masses are cfcourse incredibly heedless in the formation of their beliefs. But so are the Hindu leaders. And what is worse is that. These Hindu leaders become filled with an illicit passion for their beliefs when any one proposes to rob them of their companionship. The Mahatma. is no exception. The Mahatma appears not to believe in thinking He prefers to follow the saints. Like a conservative with his reverence for consecrated notions he is afraid that if he once starts thinking, many ideals and institutions to which lie clings will be doomed. One must sympathize with him. For every act of independent thinking puts some portion of apparently stable world in peril. But it is equally true that dependence on saints cannot lead us to knowthe truth. The saints are after all only human beings and as Lord Balfour said , " the human mind is no more a truth finding apparatus than the snout of a pig ". In so far as he does think,to me he really appears to be prostituting his intelligence to find reasons for supporting this archaic social structure of the Hindus. He is the most influential apologist of it and therefore the worst enemy of the Hindus.
Unlike the Mahatma there are Hindu leaders who are not content merely to believe and follow. They dare to think, and act in, accordance with the result of their thinking. But unfortunately they are either a dishonest lot or an indifferent lot when it comes to the question of giving right guidance to the mass of the people. Almost every Brahmin has transgressed the rule of Caste. The number of Brahmins who sell shoes is far greater than those who practise priesthood. Not only have the Brahmins given up their ancestral calling of priesthood for trading but they have entered trades which, are prohibited to them by the Shaslras. Yet how many Brahmins who break Caste every day will preach against Caste and against the Shastras ? For one honest Brahmin preaching against Caste and Shastras because his practical instinct and moral conscience cannot support a conviction in them, there are hundreds who break Caste and trample upon the Shastras every day but who are the most fanatic upholders of the theory of Caste and the sanctity of the Shastras. Why this duplicity ? Because they feel that if the masses are emancipated from the yoke of Caste they would be a menace to the power and prestige of the Brahmins as a class. The dishonesty of this intellectual class who would deny the masses the fruits of their thinking is a most disgraceful phenomenon.
The Hindus in the words of Mathew Arnold are " wandering between two worlds, one dead, the other powerless to be born ". What are they to do ? The Mahatma to 'whom they appeal for guidance does not believe in thinking and can therefore give no guidance which can be said to stand the test of experience. The intellectual classes to whom the masses look for guidance are either too dishonest or too indifferent to educate them in the right direction. We are indeed witnesses to a great tragedy. In the face of this tragedy all one can do is to lament and say—such be thy Leaders, O! Hindus.
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